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Irish Immigration to Central Scotland in the 19th Century – An Exploration of Different Perspectives on their Experience and the Importance of their Contribution to Scotland’s Industrial Revolution.

Scotland is reminiscent of the culture and heritage brought with Irish...
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Migration, State & Society (SOCY10022)

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Irish Immigration to Central Scotland in the 19 th Century – An Exploration of Different Perspectives on their Experience and the Importance of their Contribution to Scotland’s Industrial Revolution

Introduction

Between the years of 1801 and 1921 around 8 million Irish citizens emigrated to Britain, the Americas and other areas of the British Empire. In 1841, the population of Ireland was 8 million in its entirety, (Girvin, 2010) illustrating the significant extent at which emigration took place in a relatively short period of time. This rate of migration was unparalleled by any other country, it is indicative of the effects of industrialisation and the wide-spread demand for immigrant labour. This is illustrative of a stark contrast between work and life prospects for Irish citizens compared to other areas of Britain. This case study will focus on Irish Immigrants to Central Scotland, particularly focusing on the rapid increase of immigration stemming from the early-mid 19th century. There will be particular focus on the significant contribution that Irish had on Scotland’s industrial revolution as well as an exploration of different evidence on the experiences of Irish immigrants in central Scotland. The impact of Irish migration is still a strong feature of 21st century Scotland. In a country of over 5 million people, there are over 1 million people descended from Irish immigrants of the 1790s onwards. Around 2/3 to ¾ are (Mitchell, 2008) descended from Roman Catholics and many significant institutions today would not exist had it not been for migration, such as the Roman Catholic Church of Scotland. Protestant Irish immigrants constitute around ¼ to 1/ of Scots descendants. (Mitchell, 2008) Scotland is reminiscent of the culture and heritage brought with Irish migration. Despite such significant contributions to Scotland’s culture, heritage and core beliefs, there is extremely limited research on the field of Irish immigration to Scotland. Ultimately, this makes it difficult to get an understanding of the reality of the Irish experience in assimilating in Scotland. This leads to a lot of misconceptions and assumptions that are difficult to justify with research and data.

Contents

  1. Phases of Migration

  2. 19th Century Ireland – Poverty and Causes (Push Factors)

  3. Why Central Scotland? (Pull Factors)

  4. Demographics and Migration Patterns

  5. Treatment of Irish from Scottish Natives – A New Working Class?

  6. Myths vs Reality – the Irish Experience

  7. Conclusion

Phases of Migration

Haug (2008:27) states: “migration takes place when a comparison of the outcome of either staying at the place of origin or at the place of destination reveals the latter alternative to be more attractive”. Historically, this has led to deep rooted divides due to stigmatisation of migrants, clashes in cultures, language barriers and socioeconomic status. Migration on a temporary scale was not uncommon for Irish labourers from the 16 th century to the early 19 th century. In this time period, at least for industrial workers there was underlying attractions of larger economy on British mainland and more opportunities. (Vaugn, 2013) In this period, Ireland had low agricultural productivity when compared to the agricultural revolution in Britain that was well under way, including labour intensive crops, but limited mechanisation. The 1840s led to a decrease in temporary migration and an increase in permanent settlements in Scotland, as tens of thousands made their way to British Isles on a weekly basis. (Fry, 1991)

The majority of migrants who settled in Scotland were labourers from Northern and Western Ireland. There were 3 major phases of emigration in the 19 th century. For the purpose of this case study they will be named: Wave 1, Wave 2 and Wave 3. Therefore, it is clear that significant factors drove and maintained this level of migration to Scotland for more than a century.

Table 1 – Identification of 3 Major waves of Emigration from Ireland

Years Between No. Years Total No. Emigrated from Ireland

countries of origin and reception.” (Bielenberg, 2015:1) Poverty was almost a defining feature of 19th century Ireland. Poor education, low levels of literacy (a quarter of the population) a life expectancy of only 40 years and a diet subsisting mainly of potato crops was a way of life for peasant Irish citizens. (Mokyr, 1985) Writers who travelled to Ireland in this period such as Kohl (1844) Beaumont (1839) and Inglis (1835) paint a picture of the level of poverty Ireland faced even before the Great Famine. They all record the comparative menial material condition of Ireland in comparison to Britain and other areas of Europe. “until one has seen the West of Ireland he has no idea that human beings can live in a state of greater misery than in the fertile environs of Dublin.” (Kohl, 1844:6) In 1945, the Great Famine often dubbed as the ‘Potato Famine’ swept through Ireland. The direct result was the starvation and death of an estimated 1 million people between 1845-48. (Mokyr,1985)

Many scholars are puzzled as to how Ireland seemed to be declining so drastically in comparison to the economic prosperity of her neighbours in Britain and Europe, who were undergoing a large industrial revolution leading to unprecedented economic growth and formation of Capital. At this time, Ireland was united under British rule, however the government were reluctant to intervene taking a: ‘Laissez-Faire’ approach. (Handley, 1945) One of many significant contrasts emerge in this period between Ireland and other areas of Britain showing a clear dichotomy of prosperity. However, the British government launched several investigations into the root of Irish poverty between 1801-45, the results of which largely pointed towards the absence of a Poor Law in Ireland which left the poor to fend for themselves with little, if any, government interventions. (Vaughan, 2013) Contemporary scholars such as Mokyr (1985) believe that a contributing factor could have been the lack of overall economic development preceding the famine, amplifying its impact on an incredible scale. According to this, the answer lies in low productivity of labour in Ireland, sustained by such economic underdevelopment, insufficient production of capital- driven by a slightly backwards political and social structure in Ireland. Economic disparity and rigidity as well as ongoing conflicts between landlords and tenants. Overall, there were simply little prospects in Ireland, little money to go around and after the famine, it was near impossible to thrive as a poor or working-class citizen in Ireland.

Neoclassical Economics Micro-Theory can help explain why migration took place due to the aforementioned push factors. The theory states that individuals who are rational and are of sound mind migrate due to a cost-benefit analysis. They often believe the movement will allow for a greater economic return due to observing the (assumed) better economic situation of the intended destination. (Borjas, 1990) This can explain labour migration in Ireland, particularly harvest migration. Scotland by far was a reasonable choice for the majority of Irish Immigrants. Notably, many Irish were familiar with Scotland as before the 1940s, as many Irish farmers would come to Scotland on a temporary basis to work the harvest, due to far more bountiful agriculture, 6000-8000 per year in the 1820s-1830s rising to around 25,000 in 1841, which further addresses the worsening condition of Irish agriculture. (Mokyr, 1985) There are also significant figures of single women emigrating from Ireland because it was more difficult to secure a dowry which is indicative of a cost- benefit analysis taking place in line with micro-theory. However, this is ignorant of family unit migration, not taking into consideration that migration is often a decision made as a family unit rather than an individual actor. (Stark and Boom, 1985) Going into the late 1830s, where migration became a more permanent feature due to decreasing economic prospects and conditions continued to worsen, more women migrated than men, therefore, families began to emigrate in the hope of a better life elsewhere which micro-theory cannot fully explain.

Why Central Scotland? (Pull Factors)

When the potato famine devastated Ireland in the 1840s, Scotland was a logical choice for many working-class labourers, in the hope for a better life. Scotland was also heavily convenient in terms of travel and cost. At one point, there is only 14 sea miles between Northern parts of Ireland and Central Scotland. And boat tickets were as little as 6 pence from Dublin to Greenock. (Donald, 2008) Mokyr, (1985) identifies that that the least amount of emigration occurred amongst the richest and poorest members of society. He suggests this is because the richest Irish didn’t have a need to emigrate as there was less of a necessity, and the poorest often did not have the means to be able to start over in a different country. Between 1849 and 1852 around 800,000 Irish citizens travelled to the British mainland, in search of a better life. Their impact led to major cities such as Glasgow, Manchester and London being dubbed as ‘little Irelands.’ (Mokyr, 1985)

that this is ignorant of a section of the Irish protestant population. He states: “At the heart of this experience are the issues of integration, intolerance and assimilation.” Therefore, the question is begged: “How did a society with a dominant cultural identity respond to a rapid influx of a sizeable population with a distinctive ethnic and religious identity?” (Girvan, 2010) The Irish were essentially strangers in an unfamiliar land, having no choice but to take any jobs available: “they remained firmly on the bottom rung of the Scottish social ladder.” (Madigan, 2011:51) Facing hostility from the local Scottish community, their identity became insular and communities became more focussed on their church, catholisiscm and Irish culture which worked to mutually reinforce one another. In general, Irish men tended to take up physical unskilled labour and settled wherever these jobs were in demand. For example, coal mining, shipyards and general labour. Catholic women were more likely to work in textiles. In Greenock, 44% of female textile workers were Irish women in 1851. (Girvin, 2010) Ultimately, Irish were underrepresented in skilled, higher paying work. This can be a result of religious and sectarian tensions, lack of education and language barriers. This in turn, created a dichotomy which led to much discrimination due to their willingness to work for less, and differences in religion, between both Protestants and Catholic and between Presbytarian Scots. (Devine, 1999)

Treatment of Irish from Scottish Natives – A New Working Class?

Scholars widely document the reception of Irish immigrants upon arrival by Scots was largely hostile and unwelcoming. In this manner, stigmatisation, stereotypes and resentments began to emerge. Adverts for jobs after 1841 often stipulated that ‘Irish Need not Apply.’ This led to further alienisation of Irish immigrants, they were generally regarded as immoral, drunkards and a menace to Scottish values. (Mokyr, 1985) Diseases were attributed to them, such as Typhus which was dubbed: ‘Irish Fever.’ Newspapers spread slanderous titles about the Irish and were able to do so as late as 1923. (Handley, 1945) This negative perception had some power however, more as a stigmatisation of poverty rather than nationality or religion. The association of disease was namely due to poor levels of health and weakness from lack of nutrition and the famine, as well as being forced to live in squalor with overcrowded, unsanitary housing due to poverty. Several factors could be induced for causing this hostility, some Scholars such as Devine (1999) suggest anti- Catholicism as a factor combined with the perceived disease and poverty. As well as the

notion of Irish being willing to work for less, and consequently becoming strike-breakers. However, Mitchell (2008) states that the overarching theme is one of unfortunate timing. Scotland was a country that had no shortage of economic, religious and social problems, masses of immigrants arriving made an appropriate scapegoat on which to blame all these problems. This hostility is deep seated in Scottish culture and the deep divides are evident to this day through sectarianism, biases and language.

Historically, resentment towards immigrants comes at times when financial stability is scarce – this was the case for working class Scots labourers. The arrival of Irish represented a threat to the security of their own jobs and security. The extent of their poverty resulted in the Irish being willing to take on any job, work for longer hours and with less pay and in worse conditions which benefited owners but undercut other workers. Essentially: “Irish immigrants provided a ready-made target for the frustrations of a class suffering from the job insecurity and poor living conditions of a newly industrialised state.” (Mokyr, 1985) Therefore, the lower socioeconomic status of migrants compared to non-migrant workers led to over-representation in various occupation sectors such as manufacturing, mining and construction. But there were also complex patterns of differences based on irregular employment, a concentration in low skilled jobs. This was highly sensitive in consideration of labour market fluctuation demand and recession.

Myth Vs Reality – the Irish Experience

Despite this negative reception from Scots natives, the Irish largely had difficulties uniting due to religious tensions. Catholic Irish and Protestant Irish were often at odds with each other and indeed with Presbytarian Scots. However, there is considerable evidence to suggest these divides were exasperated by poverty, lack of worker’s rights and politics. (Mitchell, 1998) This is illustrated when communities are compared, particularly, the mining communities of Lanarkshire and shipping communities of the Clyde. It is apparent here that the role of Trade unions, the Church and Political Parties have a role to play in the assimilation of immigrants with Scotland, and indeed within each other. There is evidence of greater social distance and sectarian conflict in the Lanarkshire towns, particularly from the 1850s than on Clydeside. (Girvin, 2010) Therefore, it is clear that over time the level of social separation between the Catholic Irish and the Protestant Irish evolved and changed. (Foster et all, 2011) leading to: “differing trajectories of class formation” (Foster, 2011) Records

In conclusion, it is clear that more research is needed in regards to Irish Immigration to Scotland in the 19th Century. This topic will continue to be a highly complex and contested matter that, due to the time period, may never be resolved. What is undeniable is the contribution the Irish immigrants had on the Scottish industrial revolution culture and continues to have on Scottish culture and prosperity. With all the negativity surrounding migration issues, even in contemporary society, it is important to remember that in the 19th century Scotland had never experienced such levels of migration as Irish migration. While there were tensions, cultural, economic and religious and there continues to be so, ultimately a richer more diverse culture benefited from Irish immigration. It would certainly be beneficial if more comparisons were made over time within central Scotland, and indeed with immigrant Irish communities over the rest of the world, to understand the Catholic Irish experience in Scotland to a greater extent.

References

 Anderson, B. and Blinder, S. (2015). Who Counts as a Migrant? Definitions and their Consequences. [online] Migration Observatory. Available at: migrationobservatory.ox.ac/resources/briefings/who-counts-as-a- migrant-definitions-and-their-consequences/ [Accessed 11 Oct. 2019].  Beaumont, G., Taylor, W., Garvin, T. and Hess, A. (2006). Ireland. Cambridge (Mass.): The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, p.  Bielenberg, A. (2015). The Irish Diaspora. Londres: Routledge, pp-10.  Borjas G. 1990, Friends and Starnrers: The Impact of Immigration on the Economy Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, p.  Cage, J. (1983). Discussion of Cage, Hanley and McLean and Pincus Papers. [online] Economic History Association. Available at: jstor/stable/2120283? seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents [Accessed 13 Oct. 2019].  Campbell, A, 1945 cited in: Foster, J., Houston, M. and Madigan, C. (2010). Pp 17- Irish immigrants in Scotland's shipyards and coalfields: employment relations, sectarianism and class formation. Historical Research, [online] 84(226), pp-692.

Available at: onlinelibrary.wiley/doi/full/10.1111/j.1468- 2281.2010.00554 [Accessed 12 Oct. 2019].

 Castles, S. and Miller, M. (2009). The age of migration. New York: Guilford Press.  Devine, T. M (1999). The Scottish nation. New York: Viking, pp-35.

 Donald, J. (2008), Mitchell, M (2008). New Perspectives of the Irish in Scotland. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: The English Historical Review, pp-220.

 Electricscotland. (2019). Electric Scotland guide to Scottish and Irish clans, families, tartans and historyof the Gaels. [online] Available at: electricscotland/webclans/index.html [Accessed 12 Oct. 2019].

 Foster, J., Houston, M. and Madigan, C. (2010). Irish immigrants in Scotland's shipyards and coalfields: employment relations, sectarianism and class formation. Historical Research, [online] 84(226), pp-692. Available at: onlinelibrary.wiley/doi/full/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2010.00554.x [Accessed 12 Oct. 2019].

 Fry, M. (1991). Patronage and principle. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, pp-80.

 Girvin, B. (2009). New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland - Review. The English Historical Review, CXXV(512), pp-218.

 Handley, J. (1945). The Irish in Scotland. 12th ed. Glasgow: J. Burns.

 Haug, S. (2008). Migration Networks and Migration Decistion-Making of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 583.

 Inglis, H. (n.). Ireland in 1834. London: Oxford, p.  Massey, D. and Arango, J. (1993). Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal. Population and Development Review, 19(3), p.  Mitchell, M. (1998). The Irish in the West of Scotland, 1797-1848. Edinburgh: J. Donald publ., pp-45.

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Irish Immigration to Central Scotland in the 19th Century – An Exploration of Different Perspectives on their Experience and the Importance of their Contribution to Scotland’s Industrial Revolution.

Module: Migration, State & Society (SOCY10022)

3 Documents
Students shared 3 documents in this course
Was this document helpful?
Irish Immigration to Central Scotland in the 19 th
Century – An Exploration of Different
Perspectives on their Experience and the Importance of their Contribution to Scotland’s
Industrial Revolution
Introduction
Between the years of 1801 and 1921 around 8 million Irish citizens emigrated to Britain, the
Americas and other areas of the British Empire. In 1841, the population of Ireland was 8
million in its entirety, (Girvin, 2010) illustrating the significant extent at which emigration
took place in a relatively short period of time. This rate of migration was unparalleled by any
other country, it is indicative of the effects of industrialisation and the wide-spread demand
for immigrant labour. This is illustrative of a stark contrast between work and life prospects
for Irish citizens compared to other areas of Britain. This case study will focus on Irish
Immigrants to Central Scotland, particularly focusing on the rapid increase of immigration
stemming from the early-mid 19th century. There will be particular focus on the significant
contribution that Irish had on Scotland’s industrial revolution as well as an exploration of
different evidence on the experiences of Irish immigrants in central Scotland. The impact of
Irish migration is still a strong feature of 21st century Scotland. In a country of over 5 million
people, there are over 1 million people descended from Irish immigrants of the 1790s
onwards. Around 2/3 to ¾ are (Mitchell, 2008) descended from Roman Catholics and many
significant institutions today would not exist had it not been for migration, such as the
Roman Catholic Church of Scotland. Protestant Irish immigrants constitute around ¼ to 1/3
of Scots descendants. (Mitchell, 2008) Scotland is reminiscent of the culture and heritage
brought with Irish migration. Despite such significant contributions to Scotland’s culture,
heritage and core beliefs, there is extremely limited research on the field of Irish
immigration to Scotland. Ultimately, this makes it difficult to get an understanding of the
reality of the Irish experience in assimilating in Scotland. This leads to a lot of
misconceptions and assumptions that are difficult to justify with research and data.
Contents
1. Phases of Migration
2. 19th Century Ireland – Poverty and Causes (Push Factors)